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Ecosocialist Horizons Hour – “Fire on the Mountain”

Terry Bisson, author of ‘Fire on the Mountain’. Credit: Rudy’s Blog/RudyRucker

Terry Bisson, author of ‘Fire on the Mountain’. Credit: Rudy’s Blog/RudyRucker

Join Ecosocialist Horizons Hour for a special interview with Terry Bisson, American science fiction and fantasy author best known for his short stories. Several of his works, including ‘Bears Discover Fire’, have won top awards in the science fiction community, such as the Hugo and the Nebula. We will be discussing his revolutionary classic, ‘Fire on The Mountain’.

Fire on the Mountain’, published in 1988, is an alternate history describing the world as it would have been had John Brown succeeded in his raid on Harper’s Ferry and touched off a slave rebellion in 1859, as he intended.

Joel Kovel, Quincy Saul, and Kali interview Bisson and examine the role of fiction and literature in radical culture and movement building. We also look to Cuba as an example of the metaphoric ‘fire on the mountain’ that succeeded in securing its own liberation and setting an autonomous example for Latin American politics.

EHH is not meant for the faint of heart. Join us with courage, spirit, and a bit of humor that is needed to answer the biggest challenge humanity has ever faced.

Listen HERE | Buy this book | Download e-Book | Return to Terry Bisson's Author Page  

Waging Peace in Friends Journal

By Robert Dockhorn
Friends Journal
April 2015

When David Hartsough was seven years old and living in Gilman, Iowa, he was set upon by a band of older boys wielding ice balls fortified with stones. He had recently heard his father preach a sermon on Jesus’s command to “love your enemies.” Awed by this message, he mustered up the courage to tell the boys that he wanted to become their friends. Eventually they lost interest in picking on a boy who wouldn’t fight back, and they wandered off. Later, David gave a prized possession to the band’s leader, and a friendship ensued. For David, this reinforced his courage and initiated a lifetime of practicing nonviolence.

In Waging Peace, Hartsough recounts how he received early instruction from others in various tools of nonviolence, resulting in his organizing his first vigil at age 15 at a Nike missile site not far his family home in Tanguy Homesteads, a cooperative community near Philadelphia, Pa. By 1960, while he was a student at Howard University, he had advanced to taking part in a sit-in to desegregate a People’s Drug Store lunch counter in Arlington, Va., an experience that tested his capacity to endure abuse.

Suspicious of how the U.S. media were portraying “enemies,” Hartsough chose to learn for himself by traveling to Central and Eastern Europe, studying on both sides of the divided city of Berlin and taking a camping trip into the USSR, where he entered into dialogue with people all along his path.

He served as a conscientious objector with Friends Committee on National Legislation, and there he had the opportunity to take part as a youthful member of a distinguished delegation of Quakers to meet with President John F. Kennedy in 1962. During the meeting, Hartsough had the presence of mind to suggest to Kennedy that he engage in a “peace race” with the Soviets. Kennedy seemed impressed by this meeting, and it may have stimulated the president to reconsider his commitment to the politics of confrontation, a change of course that many noticed in the remaining time before his assassination.

In the following decades, Hartsough, with other activists, became involved in confrontations of the U.S. military, including a canoe “blockade” of warships on their way to Vietnam, and protests and attempts to obstruct the nuclear power and weapons industries. He traveled to Central America, where he witnessed the brutality that was being supported by American arms, and he participated in the accompaniment of threatened individuals. Back home, he organized the blocking of trains delivering weapons to Central America. He was at the side of Brian Willson who, on September 1, 1987, was run over and severely injured while blocking a munitions train at the Concord Naval Weapons Station in California.

In Hartsough’s nonviolent activity he was jailed numerous times, and he occasionally was called upon to demonstrate a willingness to put his own life at risk. While leaving no doubt about his views, he also knew the importance of acknowledging the humanity of those he opposed, which won respect and sometimes won people over to his views. He was often sought out as a resource, and in the late 1990s became involved in the nonviolent struggle in Kosovo. There he was disappointed by the failure of NATO to support the peaceful forces there, instead intervening with bombs. This was very much on his mind during a gathering of peace activists in the Hague—on the 100th anniversary of the 1899 Hague Peace Conference—and there he proposed an “international nonviolent peace army.” Mel Duncan, in the audience, had the same idea, and the two teamed up to found the Nonviolent Peaceforce. They envisioned it as offering an alternative to military forces that would be rigorous enough to intervene in areas of serious conflict. The NVPF now exists. It has grown, and it has played a role in international conflicts from Sri Lanka and the Philippines to South Sudan and elsewhere.

Now the executive director of Peaceworkers, a community of activists based in San Francisco, Calif., Hartsough continues his activities, which have included a presence in Gaza and travel to Iran.

Waging Peace is a major contribution to understanding the inspiration and dynamics of the nonviolence movement in the years since the 1950s. I hope other leaders in this movement over these years will record their life stories as carefully as Hartsough has done. This book includes resources for study and action, as well as an extensive bibliography with a list of websites. I hope future editions will include an index, to help guide the reader through the many individuals, organizations, and events that Hartsough cites. Additional treats are the foreword by John Dear, the introduction by George Lakey, and the afterword by Ken Butigan, all of which bring valuable insights.

Buy Waging Peace | Buy Waging Peace e-Book | Back to David Hartsough's Author Page

‘Days of Rage’ scorns George Jackson Brigade, but Northwest radical group won’t be ignored

By Douglas Perry
The Oregonian
April 4th, 2015

Bryan Burrough made his name with "Public Enemies," his bestselling 2004 retelling of the FBI's pursuit of John Dillinger and other outlaws during the Great Depression. Johnny Depp starred in the movie version.

Now Burrough is back with the story of another FBI war, this one 40 years later. "Days of Rage" chronicles the anti-government revolutionary groups of the 1970s that grew out of the Vietnam War protests and Civil Rights Movement. You remember: The Weather Underground, the Black Panthers, FALN. It's a big book (548 pages), and it tells fascinating stories.

It also leaves one out.

Burrough admits this right off, in a footnote on page 4. "Probably the most important underground group not chronicled in this book is the George Jackson Brigade, which robbed at least seven banks and detonated twenty pipe bombs in the Pacific Northwest between March 1975 and December 1977," he writes.

You've probably never heard of the George Jackson Brigade. Even if you were in the Northwest in the 1970s when they were robbing Oregon banks, you still might have missed their exploits.
"The FBI ordered a news blackout on the Brigade," says Daniel Burton-Rose, author of the excellent "Guerrilla USA: The George Jackson Brigade and the Anticapitalist Underground of the 1970s." The reason: the FBI recognized that media coverage was exactly what the radicals wanted.

"It wasn't a Leninist attempt to seize state power," Burton-Rose says of the Brigade's aims. "It was armed propaganda."

The George Jackson Brigade -- named after a member of the Black Panthers who was killed during a 1971 San Quentin prison-escape attempt -- sought a new economic order, better treatment of prisoners, the end of police brutality, and gender and racial equality. The group had members of different races, sexes and sexual identities, and most of them were ex-cons.

The Seattle-based Brigade began its terror campaign in the spring of 1975 with the bombing of Washington state corrections offices in Olympia. They followed that attack with bombings of a Safeway store, a Puget Sound Power & Light substation, a federal Bureau of Indian Affairs office and a few banks. One of their members was killed while storming a bank, and the outfit later wounded a police officer. By the summer of 1976, law enforcement was in hot pursuit, and so the Brigade decamped for Oregon, where they went on a new crime spree, this one focused on putting money in their pockets.

The group robbed the Western Bank in Coos Bay on June 8; the Carter National Bank in Ashland on July 8; the Oregon Bank in Medford on Aug. 1; the First State Bank of Oregon in Portland on Oct. 28; the U.S. National Bank of Oregon in Portland on Jan. 4, 1977; and the U.S. National Bank of Oregon in Wilsonville on February 7, 1977.

The Brigade's survivors all were eventually apprehended and convicted.

In "Days of Rage," Burrough notes how unreal the '70s radical-underground era now feels.

"Imagine if this happened today: Hundreds of young Americans -- white, black and Hispanic -- disappear from their everyday lives and secretly form urban guerrilla groups. Dedicated to confronting the government and righting society's wrongs, they smuggle bombs into skyscrapers and federal buildings and detonate them from coast to coast."

It does indeed seem fantastical, seeing as American society is now more conformist and largely united in the effort to defeat worldwide Islamic terrorism. And yet it happened -- and it wasn't so long ago. Most of the radical underground's participants are still with us, only recently retired from unassuming jobs in education or even in the government they once sought to overthrow.

George Jackson Brigade members were all long ago released from prison. They mostly live in California and Washington state.

The news blackout in the 1970s isn't necessarily the reason most of us don't know about the Brigade. The blackout, after all, was rather porous: The Oregonian extensively covered the Portland court appearances of Brigade member and Oregon native Rita Brown in 1978, for example. (The Oregon Arts Commission is presently helping fund the making of a documentary about Brown, who now lives in the Bay Area.)

The Brigade wanted publicity for its causes, but that proved hard to come by. The group didn't have the beautiful Bernardine Dohrn (Weather Underground) or the charismatic Eldridge Cleaver (The Black Panthers) in its ranks. And geography worked against it. The Weather Underground's biggest bang came in New York City, the media capital of the world. The Panthers were based in the Bay Area, home to the Summer of Love. But, for most Americans in the 1970s, the Pacific Northwest was still Nowheresville -- the frontier.

Plus, the Brigade, which never topped seven members, was distinctly different than other homegrown revolutionary groups of the era.

"It came out of the prison-rights movement, instead of the antiwar or civil-rights movements," Burton-Rose says.

One of the group's leaders, Ed Mead, spent much of the 1960s in prison for armed robbery and other crimes. Another, John Sherman, was a former dockyard worker who ended up in prison in 1968 after using a bad check to buy a car. Mead and Sherman met at McNeil Island Penitentiary in Washington.

They heard about "the Movement" going on outside their prison walls and wanted to be a part of it. "There was a macho element of, 'When I get out of prison, I'll show people what I can do,'" says Burton-Rose. "There was a sense of catching up for lost time."

"One day, I looked at myself. I didn't see myself as a criminal but as a radical," Mead told a Seattle Times reporter in 1976. "I stepped over a line."

The Brigade's members struggled at first to figure out their purpose and approach.

"We clearly realize that our attacks must be discriminate and both serve and educate the everyday person," the group wrote in a public "communiqué" after bombing a Washington state Safeway. "We also realize that as the contradictions heighten it becomes harder and harder to be passive and innocent bystanders in a war zone." It was signed, "Love and Struggle, The George Jackson Brigade."

Burton-Rose says the Brigade was part of the "second wave" of counterculture revolutionary groups. The first wave was led by middle-class wannabe revolutionaries and had a middle-class approach. "When they did hurt people, like the Weather Underground with the Townhouse explosion (that killed three of their own members), it was by accident," Burton-Rose says.

"With the second wave, which was more working-class, people were much less symbolic in their actions."

That is, they expected blood to be spilled -- and not just their own.

Brigade members such as ex-convicts Mead, Sherman and Mark Cook were militant Marxists who embraced Mao and Ho Chi Minh rather than communist utopianism. This ideology "romanticized violence and tasked prisoners with being the vanguard of revolution," Burton-Rose says.

The Brigade, he points out, "was pretty callous about hurting other people."
"I decided that the way you stop (the police) from using hollow-nosed bullets is to use hollow-nosed bullets in your own gun," Mead told a reporter.

"I thought that, with the bombings, maybe we were setting an example, by being true to what we believed, by being a voice to those who were voiceless," Sherman later said.
Others in the group had their own, unique agendas.

Brown, a lesbian who spent time in prison for possession of stolen mail before joining the Brigade, said she was fighting the "sickness of capitalism-imperialism," The Oregonian reported. She also said that the prisoner-rights movement "was always the most important in my life."

Another member, Janine Bertram, was a fairly typical social activist before becoming radicalized. In the early '70s, she had founded the Association of Seattle Prostitutes to promote "the rights of a group whose members often tangle with the law and don't often win."
Brigade member Bruce Seidel was a University of Washington student who edited a radical newspaper.

The FBI agents who tracked the Brigade believed the group's "power to the people" ideology was a scam, that these self-proclaimed radicals were nothing more than violent thieves playing for public sympathy and support. "It was all a lot of left-wing drivel," agent Richard Mathers told the Seattle Times years later. "They were hoodlums."

At the time, however, the FBI accepted that the Brigade was motivated by politics.

"GJB is essentially a revolutionary group who are directing their bombs and rhetoric toward correctional institutions, corporations (Safeway Markets), public utilities (Seattle City Light) and were recently involved in a local bank robbery on 1/23/76, in which an alleged member of the GJB was killed at the scene," an internal FBI memo stated. "Bombing of Safeway was protest of the 'criminal exploitation' by Safeway of farm workers, store clerks, and the general public."
That January 1976 robbery of the Pacific National Bank of Washington in the Seattle suburb of Tukwila was a disaster. Sherman, Mead and Seidel pulled ski masks over their faces and walked into the bank to "expropriate" its cash for the cause. It ended with Seidel bleeding out on the marble floor. Mead and Sherman were captured and arrested. Sherman had been shot in the jaw.

Six weeks later, Cook and another Brigade member freed Sherman in a daring "rescue" operation as Sherman was being transferred from a medical facility to jail. One of them shot Sherman's guard, Virgil Johnson, in the stomach. Johnson would survive the attack. Cook was arrested the next day. The rest of the Brigade headed for Oregon, where they began a new crime spree and tried to find someplace safe to hideout.

They robbed banks in Oregon, they wrote in an open letter, because "there can be no revolution without money -- for weapons, explosives, survival, organizing, printing, etc. The people are poor. We will make the ruling class pay for its own destruction by expropriating our funds from them and their banks."

Conscious of the need to get their side of the story out there, they publicly critiqued their failings during the Tukwila bank robbery, offering an unusual combination of incisive analysis and the kind of self-delusion common to true believers. They wrote in the open letter:
"We have so far identified the following tactical criticisms of the Tukwila action: 1) We were unprepared for the level of violence that the pigs were willing to bring down on us and the innocent people in the bank. We should have had better combat training. 2) We waited too long to open fire on the pigs. We should have fired without hesitation on the first pig to arrive.

Failure to do this allowed the police to murder our comrade while he was trying to surrender, and endangered everyone in the bank. 3) A silent alarm was tripped when we removed all of the money from a teller's drawer. When the phone began to ring to authenticate the alarm, our comrades should have split immediately with whatever they had in their hands. Instead, they stayed to clean out the safe. 4) Our comrades across the street should have had more firepower than they did. We had an enormous tactical advantage which we were unable to exploit because it took so long to bring the superior firepower that we did have into action. 5) Our getaway route was excellent. Comrades were able to remain in the area, firing on the pigs until the three comrades inside the bank were taken into custody, and still get away clean. Overall, this action failed because we were not prepared to meet police terrorism with a sufficient level of revolutionary violence."

The letter then addressed the later rescue of Sherman.

"In the course of the escape raid it became necessary to shoot the police officer guarding Sherman," the communiqué continued. "We did not shoot officer Johnson in retaliation for Bruce's murder. In fact, it was our intention to avoid shooting him. He was shot because he failed to cooperate as fully as possible with the comrade who was assigned to him. One of the many lessons we learned from Tukwila is that we cannot afford to give the police any slack when confronting them. While we don't particularly want to shoot police, we don't particularly care either. We will shoot without hesitation any police officer who endangers us."

This "we don't particularly care" attitude about shooting police officers did not gin up the public support they had expected. But they didn't back away from it.

"I try to avoid using the word 'terrorist,' because it's a word that's used to shut down analysis rather than enhance it," says Burton-Rose. "But in the case of the Brigade, they referred to themselves as terrorists." He says they embraced the Ho Chi Minh saying, "When the prison doors are opened, the real dragon will fly out."

In Creating a Movement With Teeth, a documentary history of the group, the ex-convicts in the George Jackson Brigade say their actions were both a result and an extension of their years behind bars.

"We get out (of prison) and we don't distinguish between cops and prison guards," Cook said of the group's attitude toward the police. "It took me years to understand that cops and prison guards weren't the same. When you first get out you just see them as guards and it's easy for ex-prisoners to get together and deal with them like we're still in prison."

In short, they were out of prison but still viewed themselves as prisoners.

"It is minimum-security to us," Brown said.

"Our leash is a little longer," added Mead.

Brigade members admired the California-based Symbionese Liberation Army, famed for kidnapping heiress Patty Hearst and led by ex-con Donald DeFreeze.

Despite their string of successful bank robberies, the Brigade would soon come to an end in Oregon. On the run, they were down to four members: Sherman, Brown, Bertram and Therese Coupez.

Hoping in vain for outside help in slipping into the radical underground, which didn't really exist anymore, they did their best to build up their worker-rights, "people power" bona fides.
They backed a machinists' strike against car dealers in Burien, Wash. In an open letter, they encouraged strike supporters to put sugar in the gas tanks of cars on the dealers' lots and break windows at dealerships. "Use bricks, slingshots, small arms, etc. Slash their tires too!" They recommended putting superglue in the locks of buildings and cars. "This is easy and it works great!"

"An attack against one of us is an attack against all of us!" they wrote. "The bosses need us, but we don't need the bosses!"

In November 1977, the FBI arrested Brown, which only cemented the Brigade's reputation as a collection of dangerous thugs. The Associated Press reported that in the house where Brown was staying, the FBI discovered a list of individuals the Brigade wanted to kidnap, including Washington Gov. Dixy Lee Ray.

The FBI refused to confirm there was a kidnap list "because we don't want to give the George Jackson Brigade people any more publicity. That's what they're after," said District Director John Reed. "We're not calling it a list. We're issuing a disclaimer that any list exists."

Law enforcement prepared for another escape attempt. When Brown was brought into the U.S. Courthouse in Portland for the first time, officers took up positions around every entrance to the building, "just in case there were lots of visitors suddenly," U.S. Marshall Wallace Bowen deadpanned.

No one tried to break Brown out of custody. "Ms. Brown, clad in brown corduroy jeans and a brown, striped sweater, waived reading of federal grand jury indictments returned earlier this year in Portland accusing her of five counts of bank robbery and two of felonious possession of a firearm," The Oregonian reported. She would accept a deal from the prosecution and plead guilty.

Sherman and the two other remaining Brigade members soon were captured, too. Their revolution ended with a whimper, not a bang. Which might be one of the reasons Burrough decided to bypass the group in his otherwise comprehensive history of the era's radical underground. The drama came early on, then quickly petered out.

Still, even in defeat, the Brigade remained defiant. "The rich are becoming richer and fewer," The Oregonian quoted Brown as saying at her sentencing hearing in 1978.

"The poor, she said, can continue to 'live in fear of the state and its ever-growing police forces,' or they can choose to fight back. 'I have chosen to fight back, to resist,' she declared."

U.S. District Judge Robert C. Belloni sentenced Brown to 25 years in prison for bank robbery.

Now that the Brigade was behind bars and not seeking help to keep going, area radicals came out to support them. About 75 people packed the Portland courtroom for Brown's sentencing. They chanted, "The people united will never be defeated."

Editorialized The Oregonian: "Judge Belloni let the demonstrators vent their feelings without interruption, undoubtedly saving time, trouble and money by not taking legal notice of them. The whole episode seems to demonstrate the uselessness, the aimlessness of the out-of-step minds that drive persons such as Rita Brown to back away from society and bury themselves in a prison cell for 25 years."

Buy the book | Buy the e-Book | Return to Daniel Burton-Rose's Author Page

Inside Harvard's Sexist History on Ravishly

In this excerpt from the upcoming book Verita$, writer Shin Eun-jung provides a chilling inside look at the misogyny of Harvard's early years—and some of its more recent years, as well.
April 1st, 2015

From its origins, Harvard was a university for men, by men, and of men. Even decades after the first wave of feminism had won the right to vote in 1920, Harvard refused to admit women. At that time it was commonly assumed that women's brains were too small to execute complicated intellectual work. So it might be unfair to single out Harvard as particularly harsh to women. Although Harvard questioned women's capacities, it never denied their donations.

From the start, women were important benefactors of Harvard. Lady Mowlson (Anne Radcliffe) was one of the earliest female philanthropists, for whom Radcliffe, the women's educational institute that opened in 1879, was named. As early as 1732, Dorothy Saltonstall donated money for poor scholars. Generous female contributions continued to help Harvard survive financial difficulties. In the middle of the 19th century, a new wave of female supporters desired to enroll at the university that their ancestors had helped. Rather than remaining just generous benefactors, they had dreams to attend Harvard, which were considered a dangerous potential disruption of the social order by most of the gentlemen leading society. Subsequently, Harvard's history involved brutal quarrels as women, blacks, and minorities tried to climb over Harvard's high threshold while the white establishment did all they could to obstruct them. 

Many women who tried to enroll at Harvard drank a bitter cup of disappointment. In 1848, Harriot K. Hunt, who had practiced medicine in Boston for 15 years, applied to Harvard Medical School but failed because of student protests. Three years later, after students passed resolutions opposing her being allowed to attend lectures, she wrote, "The class at Harvard in 1851, have purchased for themselves a notoriety they will not covet in years to come." In 1879, a $10,000 fund was offered to the Medical School on the condition of women's admission, but it was turned down. For more than a century, protests and furious arguments continued in connection with women's acceptance into Harvard. This struggle wasn't limited to the Harvard Medical School; the dispute over coeducation brought huge debates within the community.

Charles Eliot, who took office as the president of Harvard in 1869, firmly believed coeducation was impossible. His philosophy was made crystal clear in his inaugural address: "The Corporation will not receive woman as students into the College proper, nor into any school whose discipline requires residence near the school. The difficulties involved in a common residence of hundreds of young men and women of immature character and marriageable age are very grave. The necessary police regulations are exceedingly burdensome. . . . The world knows next to nothing about the natural mental capacities of the female sex."

As a sophisticated scientist, Eliot dodged the mystery of women's mental capacities, but if you read his words carefully, you can see he was just worried about male students being disturbed by females. Although many feminists criticized his narrowmindedness, Eliot wasn't alone. It was common sense at that time that women were intellectually inferior, that if women received too much education, it would harm their health and create problems for them to have children. 

In 1879, the Harvard Annex, a private non-degree program for women taught by Harvard professors, opened. It was welcomed both by women who were thirsty for knowledge and Harvard professors who would receive extra bonuses for repeating the same lectures. Though the Annex successfully enrolled 200 students within 15 years, Eliot and the Corporation remained opposed to a women's department at Harvard. In 1894, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts chartered the Annex as Radcliffe College. Elizabeth Cary Agassiz, the widow of prominent Professor Louis Agassiz, became the first president. As it became one of the most prestigious higher educational institutions for women, Radcliffe produced many distinguished women such as Helen Keller and Gertrude Stein.

Between 1837 and 1889, seven liberal arts colleges for women, the so-called "seven sisters," were founded in the northeastern United States: Mount Holyoke College, Vassar, Smith, Wellesley, Bryn Mawr, Barnard, and Radcliffe. At the same time as women's desire for higher education was undeniable, in 1920, after years of demands, women finally obtained suffrage, changing their social status dramatically. In 1919, Harvard appointed its first female professor, Alice Hamilton, an assistant professor in industrial medicine at Harvard Medical School. The medical school made three conditions for Hamilton's appointment: not to use the Harvard Club, no access to faculty football tickets, and not to march in commencement parades or appear on the commencement stage with university leadership. Hamilton accepted these demands and became the first female faculty member at Harvard. In 1935, when she reached retirement age, Harvard lost its sole female professor and became once again an exclusively male haunt.

Women were still not allowed to attend classes in Harvard Yard, so Harvard professors used to teach the same material to Radcliffe women after they taught the boys in the yard. This strange tradition continued until World War II, when classes were merged only because there were not enough professors since many had joined the war. Beginning in 1943, Radcliffe students began to take classes in Harvard Yard, and by 1947, most classes became coeducational. In 1948, a historian, Helen Maud Cam, became the first tenured female professor at Harvard.

Until the late 1960s, there remained very few female tenured professors. Margaret Gullette, Radcliffe Class of 1962, remembered that she had no opportunity to study with female professors. "There were no women. I was never taught by a woman when I was an undergraduate. [There was] nobody. There was only one woman faculty member who was a full-time senior faculty person, and she was in astronomy, and I just didn't take astronomy."

Harvard's male-oriented atmosphere had deep impact on the students. With great honesty, Margaret Gullette told me a bitter anecdote. One day in a writing class, a professor gave students an assignment to write "I wish I were a . . ." While some students wittily wrote, "I wish I were a polar bear," she wrote, "I wish I were a man."

In the 1960s, as the civil rights and anti-war movements reached their culmination, feminism unfolded dramatically, producing huge changes in women's lives and stirring up Harvard as well. In 1963, Harvard's Graduate School of Arts and Sciences was opened to women, and Radcliffe students received Harvard diplomas. Nonetheless, the number of male faculty far outnumbered female faculty. The following chart comparing the number of male and female teachers ("officers") at Harvard in the late 1960s clearly demonstrates the imbalance of Harvard's employment policy.

Over the years, Harvard has made dramatic changes. In 1977, Harvard and Radcliffe signed an agreement to merge the two institutions, and 22 years later, they officially became one. Today, more than half of undergraduates are females. To keep pace with these changes, Harvard has tried to hire more female professors. According to Harvard's official records, between 2011 and 2012, some 22% of professors were women, as were 33% of assistants and associates. Considering there were only three women tenured professors in the middle of the 1950s, that is rapid progress.

In 2001, Lawrence Summers became president. During five years of his presidency, the number of tenured female faculty decreased visibly. In 2004, Harvard offered 32 tenured positions, but only four to women. The following year, Summers delivered a remarkable speech in which he explained that innate differences might explain the reason women are less successful in science and math careers. Reactions to his remarks (and to his poor treatment of African American faculty) were so intense that he was compelled to resign. As Harvard tried to clean up the mess Summers left, he was replaced by Drew Gilpin Faust, the first female president in Harvard's history. According to the March 12, 2010, New York Times article "Women Making Gains on Faculty at Harvard," various new programs were created to support women in science and research careers as well as to hire more tenured women professors. Harvard financially supported childcare.

While there is still a long way to go, Harvard is changing. Looking at it today, it is hard to imagine that it was a place exclusively for rich, white males—which it was less than a century ago.

It is not as easy as it used to be to enroll at Harvard just because you were born with a golden ticket. No more discrimination or being forbidden entering into a library because your chromosome is XX. These changes didn't happen automatically but because people struggled and fought continually from inside and outside Harvard. The future of Harvard depends upon what kinds of universities we dream and dare to create.

This is a sneak peek from Verita$: Harvard's Hidden History, which will be released by PM Press on July 1, 2015. Pre-order a copy here.

Buy the book | Buy the e-Book | Back to Shin Eun-jung's Author Page

Positive Force: A Review in RazorCake

By Lisa Weiss
March 19th, 2015

The DC punk scene is probably the best documented in the world. There’s Banned in DC, a photo book that came out at the end of the ‘80s and Dance of Days: Two Decades of Punk in the Nation’s Capital, a thick tome chronicling DC-area non-mainstream rock. Recently, Dave Grohl (he played drums in Scream) took viewers down the Sonic Highway through the District for a chat with Don Zientara, the producer of most of the Dischord catalog. As of this writing, I am praying to the Madonna of Dupont Circle that the Oakland screening of Salad Days: The DC Punk Revolution will not sell out. Do we really need another movie where we watch Fugazi and listen to Ian MacKaye talk about Fugazi?

The answer is yes. In the late ‘80s and early ‘90s, if you wanted to see Fugazi and many other great bands such as Jawbox, Nation Of Ulysses, Beefeater and Fire Party—and Basque and European politico-punk bands such as Negu Gorriak and Chumbawamba—in DC, it was most often at a show put on by Positive Force. All of the shows benefitted one local organization or another, were all-ages, and five dollars. They were held in church basements in neighborhoods where condos now command high rents but then were places where tenants were organizing and Positive Force was supporting their efforts.

This film chronicles the efforts of this group through the shows they put on, the meetings they held in their community house, and the work they tried to do to affect change.It’s one thing to yell, “Fuck the system.” It’s quite another to work to keep people from getting fucked by the system. PF gave the DC scene a character not found in other places. That character, to some—myself included—felt a little puritanical at times. I lived in DC during the part of the time covered in the film, went to a couple of meetings and helped out with a couple of shows, and attended many more. It was a real culture shock when I moved to San Diego and a “benefit” show was to raise money for the drummer’s paternity test. But it was nice to drink alcohol and listen to live punk rock at the same time.

Any group of committed, idealistic, young (or young at heart) folks are bound to have disagreements, right? Well, not according to this movie. There are a couple of times where breaks in ranks are briefly mentioned, but every good documentary has a plot, and part of that plot is conflict. Instead of glossing over disagreements, it might have been more interesting to see how these folks worked through their differences.

This film is great for going beyond the music and showing that there is more to punk rock than the elements of clothing and fast music that became part of its commercialization in the early ‘90s, but, in the end, it comes off as a little too one-sided and self-congratulatory.

Buy the DVD now | Back to Robin Bell's Director Page

We Called Each Other Comrade — a window into American radical publishing history

By Stefan Christoff
Free City Radio
January 6th, 2015

We Called Each Other Comrade is a great book to read within the context of contemporary activist discussions on the construction of radical institutions; parallel social, economic and political structures that can challenge dominant systems of power and injustice.

Both an exhaustive study and also including narrative elements, the book, published by PM Press, follows the establishment and nearly century long political trajectory of Charles H. Kerr Publishing Company, a Chicago-based publishing house launched in 1886 by printing Unitarian tracts, evolving over decades into a publishing house voicing the radical ideas around the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), continuing to publish progressive books and materials well into the 20th century.

We Called Each Other Comrade is uniquely interesting book as it illustrates a fascinating example of a progressive project adjusting and changing honestly in concert with deepening and complex relationships with social movements.

One key publishing project outlined is the emergence and development of the critically important International Socialist Review, which became a key space for political debates and expression of the American left at the beginning of the 20th century. A magazine that achieved significant national distribution, firmly on the left of the American Socialist Party in the period leading up to World War I, the magazine took a strongly anti-war position and also published texts by writers part of anarchist organizing efforts.

Writers who contributed to the project included Mary “Mother” Jones, the Irish-American schoolteacher and labour / community organizer who was a IWW co-founder along with another journal contributor Bill Haywood, a labour organizer involved in some key workers strikes, such as those by the Western Federation of Miners and also the Lawrence textile strike in Massachusetts, moments that continue to define American labour historical identity until now.

Lawrence textile strike Massachusetts

photo : Lawrence textile strike, 1912, Massachusetts.

Aside from the International Socialist Review, the Kerr Publishing Company was also one the first publishing house to translate and make available in the US many key texts by Karl Marx, while also publishing Industrial Socialism by Bill Haywood and Frank Bohn, One Big Union by William Trautmann and also May Walden’s Socialism and the home.

Also key to the importance of We Called Each Other Comrade, is that it looks into the major state repression that progressive activists and institutions faced during the violent nationalism of World War I, given that both the International Socialist Review and the Kerr Publishing Company took a strongly anti-war position and fully joined the movement against the American entrance into the killing fields, the book outlining :

A vital oppositional voice and institutional center for the prewar American movement’s left wing, Charles H. Kerr & Company could not avoid the storm. It, too, became a target for war-bred harassment and state repression not long after U.S. entry into the fray. The firm survived as well but came away severely injured. The majority of movement publishing ventures did not weather the first year of American involvement.

The company belonged to a diverse social and political movement. Extending ideologically and politically from the authentically anarcho-syndicalist elements within the IWW that disavowed politics, that movement spanned a range from those who favored dual strategies of parliamentary campaigns and militant direct action to those who concentrated on gaining stable, respectable electoral strength and office through legal means.

The call for class struggle against war, quite distinct from the dissenting voices of various pacifist opponents, clearly marked all factions of the movement as immediate targets as soon as the country became a belligerent. Those deeply opposed to socialism readily took advantage of and used the era’s heightened jingoist and xenophobic sentiment to isolate and hobble the left as treasonous “slackers,” “war resisters,” … “anti-American,” or simply “troublemakers,” The political stances of the various movement groupings up to and well into the war made such attacks inevitable. Outspokenly oppositional on the issue of war and peace, Charles H. Kerr & company would not pass unnoticed.

In this section on the war We Called Each Other Comrade details the various legal challenges and draconian legislation passed by US lawmakers that targeted anti-war and left voices including the publishing house, including the banning of Kerr Publishing Company from using US national postal services for significant periods during the war.

Also detailed in the book are many of the organizational strategies and frameworks developed by the Kerr Publishing Company, that shifted, adapted and changed over time to respond to shifting political and economic realities. In many ways the Kerr Publishing Company is an example in cooperative economic funding, grassroots crowd-funding from a different era. For these details the book is important for read for current day activists working on, developing and exploring various ideas around models for radical institutions. Kerr Publishing Company is illustrated clearly as a project that can illuminate the possibilities for detail-driven, membership-based organization, while also the limitations faced by such models when under state repression.

We Called Each Other Comrade is an important read generally speaking because it illustrates and points to alternative, radical narratives of American history, celebrated in the book’s pages are not politicians and businessmen, but grassroots voices from social movements that were instrumental to the existing legal infrastructure around workers rights that union movements are still fighting to defend. Also the book is a clear illustration on the importance of alternative publishing in establishing a space for counter narratives, a political space for ideas that challenge the authoritarian frameworks of political and economic power.

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Department of Book Reports: "We Called Each Other Comrade"

Jackson Steet Books on 7th
July 8th, 2011

Allen Ruff's "We Called Each Other Comrade": Charles H. Kerr & Company, Radical Publishers (PM Press $24.95) is social history at it's best. The subject of the book is Charles H. Kerr, who began publishing Unitarian tracts and books, starting in 1886, was a pioneer of books published in cheap editions and made accessible for the average man. Kerr (1860-1944) led a very interesting life, filled with ideas with many stops along the way. The books he published reflected an intellectual curiosity and showed his migration from Unitarianism, to Marxism, the Socialist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, and finally to the Proletarian Party, a splinter group of the original Communist Party of America.

Ruff's gift to us in this book is not only the examination of one mans life, but an exploration of ideas current in the late 19th century and into the Pre-World War One years on the left. Along the way we get a history of book publishing (centered mostly in New York, but with a strong presence in Chicago, where Kerr's house was located); the drift of Unitarian thought from it's Congregational roots to the church we would recognize now; to Marxist ideas in American thought; a history of the origins of the Socialist Party, which had a big hand in the founding of the IWW, otherwise known affectionately as the Wobblies; to the suppression of Left opposition to the "imperialist" first world war; and it describes the fractious and turbulent history of the American Left, which resonates even today. It is fascinating stuff.

Kerr himself revolutionized in many ways book publishing, offering books, pamphlets and ephemera at low cost to the customer. Always a man who thought education important, he wanted to make readily available these ideas to the common person. He also started the journal, International Socialist Review (ISR), which along with the Masses, was a very important vehicle for left-wing thought, and became another victim of the Great War when Kerr was not allowed to send it through the mails.. Kerr also translated from the French, the English lyrics to the Socialist anthem, The Internationale, which begins Arise Ye Prisoners of starvation/ Arise Ye wretched of the Earth, which many of you might recognize from the Franz Fanon anti-colonial book. He was a man of solid, middle-class background, who, as he got older, moved more and more to the Left.

The Charles H. Kerr Company still exists today and it's slogan is "Subversive Literature for the Whole Family Since 1886. This is the second edition of "We Called Each Other Comrade", first published in the mid 1990's and reissued by PM Press with a new foreword by Paul Buhle, a noted historian of American radicalism. I should note that the publisher provided me with a copy & a super cool sticker gratis. This book brims with ideas and reminds us that what we suffer today is not new, and must be opposed. "We have been nought/ We shall be all".

I will continue my commentaries on the American Modernist writers soon, with some thoughts on Ernest Hemingway, coming up soon. For now, I did want to tell you about "We Called Each Other Comrade", which is available at (Jackson Street) Books on 7th and fine Independent bookstores everywhere. Visit us on Facebook Jackson Street Books.

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Speaking OUT: Queer Youth in Focus Vandalism and Upcoming Events Around the Country

We recently published a book with Reach & Teach that explores the complex lives and representations of LGBTQ Youth from their perspective. Speaking OUT: Queer Youth in Focus by author and photographer Rachelle Lee Smith is more than a book. It's an ongoing, "for youth, by youth" project of positive, inclusive, and empowering images of LGBTQ Youth. It's to give hope, inspiration, to show that we're not alone, and to foster empathy in a world that is often filled with bigotry, oppression, and hate. Unfortunately, hate is exactly what the project received.



Recently, the Speaking OUT photographs that were on display at The University of Connecticut were vandalized, reminding us all that Rachelle's work is still relevant, important and so necessary. The silver lining is that this act is creating a dialogue and discussion around the issues still at large within our homes, schools, and country.

Please spread the information to continue the conversation and perhaps with enough outreach we can find the person(s) responsible.  And we continue to work towards a better tomorrow.

Pick up a Speaking OUT book and donate it to your local school or library! or stop by an event listed below and say hello.

Here’s a multimedia round-up (newspaper, radio, and TV) from the UConn coverage the vandalism of Speaking OUT on campus:
Speaking OUT Spring/Summer Events

Currently:  Philadelphia, PA - On Public Display at the SouthEast corner of Broad and Walnut Streets (24/7)



  • 18th: Hartford, CT @  PFLAG Hartford Reception - Reception, Talk, and Book Signing (6:00pm)
  • 20th-21st: UConn, CT @ True Colors Conference - Exhibition, Reception, Talk, and Book Signing
    • 20th: @ The Student Union Art Gallery - Workshop + Signing (1:15-2:30pm)
    • 21st: @ The Student Union Art Gallery  - Workshop  + Signing (10:30-11:45am)
  • 25th: Philadelphia, PA @ CHOP - Children's Hospital of Philadelphia - Pop-up Exhibition (tentative)
  • 31st: Ontario, CA @ York Region District School Board - Teleconference



  • 2nd: NYC, NY - Pre Bureau Party event and Pop-Up Exhibition @ BitCoin Center NYC - 40 Broad Street (2-6pm)
  • 2nd: NYC, NY @ LGBT Center NYC - The Bureau - Open Mic with Speaking OUT Subjects and Book Signing (7:00-10:00pm)
  • 24th-25th: Provincetown, MA @ The Provincetown Library - Exhibition (12:00-5:00pm)
  • 24th: Provincetown, MA @ Provincetown Library - Talk and Book Signing in the Marc Jacobs Reading Room (3:00-4:00pm)
  • 25th: Provincetown, MA @ Womencrafts - Book Signing (3:00-4:00pm)


  • 4th: Boston, MA With the Boston Area Gay and Lesbian Youth (BAGLY) and SpeakOUT  - Talk, Interactive Photo Shoot, Book Signing (Location + Time TBD)
  • 7th: Asbury, NJ @ Asbury Pride (Tentative)
  • 14th: Philadelphia, PA @ Philly Pride (10:00am-5:00pm)
  • 20th: - Lancaster, PA @ Lancaster Pride (Tentative)
  • 24th-30th: Bay Area, CA with the Publishers!
    • 24th: Oakland, CA @ Laurel Book Store (6:30pm)
    • 25th: San Francisco @ Human Rights Campaign (HRC) Store (7:00pm)
    • 26th: San Mateo @ Reach and Teach Book Store  (7:00pm)
    • 27-29th: San Fransisco @ American Library Association ALA Conference (Dates + Times TBA)
    • 27th:  San Francisco @ Pride w/ PM Press table (11:00am-6:00pm)
    • 28th: San Francisco @ Pride with PM Press table (11:00am-6:00pm)
    • 28th: Palo Alto @ First Presbyterian Church Palo Alto (7:00pm)
    • 29th: San Francisco @ Green Arcade Book Store (7:00pm)



1st-2nd: Washington DC @ The Reeves Center - OutWrite LGBT Book Fair - Book Selling + Signing (Times TBD)


Scenes Resembling Civil War

By Michael Mccanne
The New Inquiry
January 3rd, 2013

Before “the cancer of occupy,” there were Germany’s Autonomen; a new translation of Fire and Flames, a history of the struggle, shines a light on this proto-Black Bloc.

Six years before the Chernobyl disaster, several thousand people occupied the construction site of a nuclear waste facility in the forests of West Germany. Within days they had built a makeshift encampment and were holding general assemblies and demonstrations. Local farmers donated food, which was prepared and shared communally, and local politicians and celebrities came to give speeches. The occupiers for their part represented a broad cross-section of West Germans: environmentalists, suburbanites, students, Leftists, pensioners and local farmers united to prevent the waste holding facility’s construction. They built wooden lookout towers, walls, and communal lodges, and the occupied site started to resemble a festive medieval village. The encampment was called, “The Free Republic of Wendlend,” after the area’s traditional name.

A month later, in the early hours of June 4, 1980, nearly 8000 riot police, including the paramilitary Bundesgrenzschutz (Border Police), poured out of the wooded darkness and announced the site was to be evicted. It was the largest police mobilization in Germany since the Second World War. As had been decided in their general assemblies, the Wendlenders sat down peacefully, but suffered terrible brutality anyway at the hands of the police. By the end of the day the site was cleared of occupiers, and the remains of the village carted away.

The Wendlenders chose explicitly non-violent forms of resistance, but the West German authorities attacked, undeterred by moral force or persuasion. A year later, when the government restarted construction of a nuclear power plant at Brokdorf near the North Sea, perhaps they expected the same peaceful acquiescence. What they found instead was quite different.

Opposition groups called a large protest and nearly a hundred thousand came; many attempted to storm the building site and occupy it. As the police tried to drive protesters away with clubs and water cannons, they were attacked with stones and Molotov cocktails, mostly hurled by youths in black ski masks and motorcycle helmets. By the end of the day, protestors had breached all but the last inner fence of the construction site and destroyed a water canon truck with petrol bombs. The authorities were stunned by the protesters’ ferocity, and the fight at Brokdorf revealed a new radical force in the cracks of West German society.

Today, the German media uses the word Autonomen as a catch-all for militant anarchists, and it is easy to oversimplify the German Autonomous movements because they didn’t represent a unified group or ideology. In the English speaking Left, the West German Autonomen are best known as innovators of the “black bloc,” a tactic for mass militancy in which participants dress in black, hide their faces and wear pads or helmets to ward off police clubs or rubber bullets.

In the 1990s, when autonomous activists joined the burgeoning “Anti-globalization movement” in Europe, they brought the black bloc to demonstrations against transnational, neo-liberal organizations like the IMF and World Bank. When those summits and counter demonstrations occurred in Canada and the United States through the later 1990s, North American anarchists adopted the German Autonomen’s style and tactics, donning black masks, storming security fences and smashing corporate windows.

In the past year, autonomists and anarchists played a key role in the beginnings of Occupy Wall Street, and many signature modes of OWS reflect those tendencies: non-hierarchal organizing, general assemblies, affinity groups, direct action over representation, and a refusal to dialogue with established powers. And Occupy’s militant wing (what Christopher Hedges called “the cancer” and Jonathan Mahler labeled “ The Menace”), appeared in various Occupy demonstrations, as groups of young people with their faces covered, sometimes dressed in black, offering active resistance when the police tried to evict encampments or sweep protesters off the street.

It is always tempting to draw direct historical comparisons between past and present social movements. But one has to situate the Autonomen’s strategies and tactics in the context of the 1980s and the topography of West Germany to determine which practices are applicable to contemporary struggles and which are particular to history. PM Press’s new translation of Fire and Flames (published as Feuer und Flamme in 1990) offers that context by placing the German autonomous movement alongside the various groups and events that defined their horizon of possibilities. There are chapters on the plethora of leftist groups that predated the Autonomen (the Marxist-Leninist K Groups, the Spontis, the urban guerrilla movement and Italy’s Autonomia), and the book follows German autonomous theory as it transferred from group to group and evolved. The book is a classic history of the movement (alongside George Katsiaficas’ The Subversion of Politics), and in it the pseudonymous author Geronimo sketches the Autonomen’s peripatetic rise in the militant wings of the social movements of their time. The release of Fire and Flames, alongside the debates about “black bloc anarchists” in the Occupy Wall Street movement, gives impetus to examine the German Autonomen in their historical context.

The Wirtschaftswunder (or economic miracle) transformed West Germany from the ruins of the Second World War into a major economic power and a bulwark against Eastern European Communism. Workers and trade unions were integrated into the national reindustrialization project, and quality of life and work prospects rose for West Germans through the 1940s and 1950s. Guest workers were enticed from Turkey, Italy and Greece to fill out the depleted work force, and industry boomed, backed by huge investments from the United States.

But the economic miracle faltered in 1975, shaken by high inflation and rising unemployment. The recession accompanied a crisis in the country’s young democratic institutions and the New Left movement, which seemed to implode and fracture. Geronimo starts his short book by saying, “The Autonomen of today can be only understood in the context of the New Left’s history” and goes on to detail the rise of student and neo-Marxist movements that characterized 1968 in West Germany. By the mid-1970s, however, these groups were all but dissolved, either through recuperation or brutal repression by the Federal Police. Some went underground and took up “anti-imperialist” armed struggle, which reached its disastrous crescendo in the 1977 German Autumn, with the Red Army Faction’s kidnapping and murder of industrialist Hans Martin Schleyer and the failed hijacking of a Lufthansa jet by a joint German-Palestinian commando. The subsequent repression unleashed by the West German state cast a pall over the country, and it seemed the period of political militancy in West Germany was finished.

Despite this, a new way of political struggle emerged in West Germany in the blighted urban centers and on the fringes of various social movements. It arose as a rejection of the “alternative movement’s” self-satisfied activism and armed struggle’s grim futility, instead extending the anti-authoritarian and anti-bourgeois tendencies that emerged in 1968. It developed haphazardly as a synthesis of influences (the squatter movement, radical feminist and environmental tendencies, the punk scene and the praxis of Italy’s Autonomia and the Metropolitan Indians) into the West German autonomous movement.

As young West Germans increasingly turned to urban social centers as hubs of political activity (as opposed to workplaces or universities), they formed frameworks to interlink their various milieus. In Frankfurt, Hamburg, Munich and West Berlin, autonomous groups squatted empty houses, started radio stations, organized demonstrations and published journals promoting the autonomous position, many of which Fire and Flames quotes from directly. Their political and organizing practices reflected a distrust of representative democracy, favoring instead direct action, direct democracy in the form of general assemblies, and a politics of the first person. On this point Geronimo writes, “They were strongly influenced by the ‘No Future’ attitude of the time, confronted bourgeois norms of control and domination and turned their own needs into a central political issue.”

By 1981, a unique political subculture developed, the seventies militant styles (coveralls, motorcycle, helmets, bandanas) fused with punk rock (leather jackets, studs, combat boots, balaclavas, and of course everything in black.) The West German press dubbed them the “black bloc” and wrote about the movement in sensationalist fragments: hooded youths, toughs, violent criminals, hooligans, chaoten. The iconic black balaclava was dubbed the Hasskappe (or hate cap). To them, the Autonomen were a dangerous mixture of militant politics and youthful nihilism, a rejection of political participation and the promises of Western European capitalism. But the Autonomen found liberatory promise in negation. “Freedom,” a 1981 autonomous thesis appended to Fire and Flames states, “is the short moment between throwing a rock and that rock hitting its target.”

Many Autonomen had developed their tactics as activists in the anti-nuclear movement’s militant wing. The West German coalition government of liberal and conservative parties viewed industrial infrastructure as integral to Cold War policy and began building nuclear power stations and related facilities with little input from the populace. Shut out of the political establishment, communities formed Bürgerinitiativen (citizen’s movements or BI) in the late 1970s to address these issues. They organized the protests and occupations at Gorleben and Brokdorf, in which many autonomous activists participated.

After the government announced they would expand a NATO runway at the Frankfurt Airport in 1980, a broad coalition of citizens groups and left wing political parties, inspired by Wendlend and Brokdorf, occupied the building site and built a small village of wooden huts. When police evicted the occupation, widespread unrest broke out. One reporter wrote, “A 15-year debate about plans to extend Frankfurt International Airport into nearby woodland erupted this month into scenes resembling civil war. Hooded youths barricaded freeways, catapulted steel pellets at police, and hurled Molotov cocktails – all in the name of ecology.”  To continue this level of confrontation, the citizen’s groups and their Autonomen allies organized weekly ”Strolls” for years to come, assembling every Sunday, circumnavigating the perimeter and attempting to tear down the security fences and reoccupy the site when the opportunity arose.

Many of these environmental coalitions splintered over what constituted acceptable resistance to police violence and whether or not to compromise with the authorities. The anti-nuclear movement’s legalist wing joined the liberal political establishment, and the radical wing took what they had developed tactically and organizationally in the ecological struggles to assist the second wave of the squatter movement developing in the abandoned zones of West German cities.

Berlin today is the fashionable city of Europe, and the Kreuzberg neighborhood is slowly transforming into a sort of east east-Williamsburg. Among empty parks and industrial buildings, boutique restaurants and chic cafes have opened over the past few years, gentrifying what was once an almost ungovernable zone. But in the decades before the 1990 reunification, the Wall bordered Kreuzberg on three sides, all but cutting it off from the rest of the western zone. Turkish guest workers and their families lived among rows of empty houses and factories, some still bombed out from the war. West Berlin’s unique status under de jure allied occupation, deep within East German territory, meant that residents were exempt from military service, and young men came from all over West Germany to live and study there as a way of avoiding conscription. The city had never recovered from the war’s depopulation and these young people moved into the abandoned buildings that littered the city.

By the late 1970s, large sections of Kreuzberg were squatted and squatter’s councils coordinated social reproduction and eviction defense. These practices spread to other cities, and in 1981 Hamburg squatters took over an entire street along the Elbe River called Haffenstrasse. When the city government tried to evict Haffenstrasse in 1986, Autonomen and residents built barricades out of cars and burning rubble and fought off the police for several nights. Over the years the authorities launched several more failed attempts to evict the street and eventually negotiated to sell the property to the occupiers, resolving years of strife. After the Wall came down most of the squatted buildings in Kreuzberg were legalized into cooperatives, normalization succeeding where police repression had failed.

Despite several large events, such as the 1987 anti-Reagan demonstration and the 1988 anti-World Bank Summit, the Autonomen lost most of their focus and power through the late ‘80s and early ‘90s. The reduction of squatted spaces, though legalization or eviction, put pressure on individuals within autonomous circles to meet their daily needs outside the movement, and the reliance on spontaneous organizing models had a diminishing effect of its own. Action committees, formed to prepare for this or that demonstration, dissolved after each street battle, and this endless reconstitution of forces caused burnout and dissipation.

Their commitment to militancy at all costs reduced their political position to mere escalation, which never coalesced into a strategy for dual power or even revolution. The Autonomous Theses of 1981 said it explicitly,” we want to dismantle and destroy—to formulate affirmative ideals is not our priority.” Without any overarching goal or ideal, their identity became a macho fixation: fighting the police, distrusting outsiders and eschewing tactics perceived as weak or legitimate. The authorities, for their part, developed their own tactics (kettling for example), and by 1989, clashes between riot cops and Autonomen approached the level of choreography. In Fire and Flames, there is clear criticism on this point, “militancy had always defined the Autonomous movement, but particularly after the Startbahn began operating in 1984, it often turned into mere ritual and increasingly into individual gesture.”

By the mid-90s the Autonomen had atomized into a disparate collection of housing cooperatives, anti-gentrification committees and anti-fascist groups, occasionally gathering to disrupt IMF or G8 meetings with small-scale black blocs, but never regaining that early, fractious momentum.

Still, the Autonomen remained an almost mythological phenomenon, percolating through the decade’s various social struggles. They materialized from the abyss of the modern industrial state, transforming anger and alienation into moments of collective power: a ghost at the feast of the post war economy. When Ronald Reagan stood at the Brandenburg Gate and gave his famous “Tear Down This Wall” speech, it was under conditions of de facto martial law, with all demonstrations banned and thousands of Autonomen kept at bay by police barricades.

The Federal Republic of Germany is gone, and Germany today is the cornerstone of the European Union, defined by finance capitalism fused with policing power. It has grown more potent and dynamic, able to absorb riot and financial crisis alike. A unified Germany led to a unified Europe, melded out of free markets, consumerism and law and order, as if it has always been. But for a brief moment, like that of a stone in midair, the Autonomen shook the stability and permanency of that system.

When a radical political movement is taken out of its context, it is easy to dismiss as a youthful revolt or failure. But Fire and Flames refuses these notions, and repositions the Autonomen as part of an evolving struggle in post-war Germany. The book’s brief history ends at 1989, but the currents of autonomous and radical thought continue, influencing current situations and social movements. The West German Autonomen showed the potential of militancy, and its pitfalls. The new generation of autonomists will have to learn from them and create a force that is not merely disorder within the system but a world outside of it.


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Homophobic Vandals Damage Philly Artist Rachelle Lee Smith’s “Speaking OUT” Exhibit

By Brian Buttler
Philadelphia Magazine
March 9th, 2015

Philadelphia artist Rachelle Lee Smith‘s traveling exhibit “Speaking OUT: Queer Youth In Focus,” which caused quite a positive stir in town when it was exhibited on the corner of Broad and Walnut in the now-defunct Robinson Luggage store (some of the prints are still there), has fallen victim to homophobic vandals during an exhibit in Connecticut.

Assailants allegedly broke into the display at the University of Connecticut‘s student union art gallery and used markers to damage the pictures. The exhibit was to be part of the upcoming True Colors Conference, according to Smith.

"There [was] a binder [left in the exhibit] that says 'God hates the gays,' two prints have penises on them and I was given a mustache," says Smith. "If the prints themseleves get damaged, it's a big deal. They are one-of-a-kind, handprinted in an almost obsolete darkroom machine. And each image comes with a  handwritten message by the subjects, some up to 13 years ago." She shares some of the vandalized images below:


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